Speaking on the RM60 billion economic stimulus package, SAPP president Datuk Yong Teck Lee said that SAPP is monitoring its progress to make sure that Sabah is not cheated.
"For instance, out of the ringgit 60 billion, only 1.2 billion is allocated for infrastructure in Sabah and Sarawak. If Sabah and Sarawak share equally, then Sabah gets only 600 million in the next 2 years. This is only 1% of the 60b allocations which is an insult to the people of Sabah," Yong added.
Nothing to comment & i think Sabah deserveeee that... Thanks to Musa Aman, UMNO Sabah Leaders, PBS, UPKO, LDP, PBRS. History will remember you all!
ReplyDeleteHope god "Allah" will bless our children...
It was always unfair! But now everybody can see it!
ReplyDeleteWell, kita nak salahkan siapa sekarang. Salahkan UMNO? mana adil, Orang Sabah bagi peluang Umno memasuki Sabah. Yang Salah adalah KITA SABAHAN terutama Muslim Bumiputera yang seolah olah berdosa kalau tak undi UMNO.
ReplyDeleteSaya Pasti kalau NEGERI KITA JADI NEGERI PEMINTA SEDEKAH SAJA PUN MUSLIM BUMIPUTERA TETAP UNDI UMNO. BERDOSA BESAR MEREKA INI KALAU TAK UNDI UMNO.Am I racist? not at all, I am merely telling the truth.
WHEN DID BN DO THINGS THAT IS FAIR? EVERYTHING ABOUT WHAT BN=UMNO HAD DONE IS ALWAYS NOT FAIR. YOU WANT FAIR.....REMEMBER TO VOTE BN OUT IN EVERY ELECTIONS.
ReplyDeleteHIDUP SAPP. HIDUP ANWAR. HIDUP PAKATAN RAKYAT
Artikel ini mengandungi pendedahan kepada dalang-dalang yang sekarang ini berusaha bersungguh-sungguh untuk membawa PAS keluar dari Pakatan Rakyat dan masuk ke dalam BArisan Nasional.
ReplyDeleteKemuncak dari usaha ini adalah perjumpaan antara Najib Tun Razak bersama Timbalan Presiden PAS, Ustaz Nasaruddin Mat Isa dan Cikgu Mustafa Ali di London.
Najib Tun Razak telah menyatakan tawaran mereka kepada PAS.
Tawaran tersebut adalah:
a. Jawatan Menteri Besar kepada PAS di Selangor, Perak, Kedah dan Kelantan.
b. Jawatan exco kepada PAS di Terengganu, Pahang, Perlis dan Johor.
c. PAS akan mendapat kesemua kerusi yang dimenangi oleh PKR dan DAP untuk ditandingi dalam PRU ke 13 kelak.
d. PAS akan mendapat jawatan Timbalan Perdana Menteri ke 2
e. PAS akan diberikan 5 jawatan Menteri Kabinet penuh
f. Sejumlah jawatan Timbalan Menteri, Setiausaha Parlimen.
Sejumlah jawatan Senator dan Ahli Majlis dalam GLCh.
Dan berbagai2 lagi tawaran yang dibuat.Usaha untuk membawa PAS masuk Barisan Nasional adalah didalangi oleh dua jenis pimpinan dalam PAS:
a. Mereka yang sudah menghampiri zaman akhir hayat politik mereka dalam PAS
b. Mereka yang terlampau kepingin jawatan dalam PAS
Mereka yang sudah hamper jangkahayat politik mereka adalah:
1. Cikgu Mustafa Ali: Beliau adalah dalang no wahid dalam usaha ini.
Oleh kerena jangkahayat politiknya sudah menghampiri noktah akhir, maka beliau perlu untuk melakukan sesuatu yang drastika.
Beliau telah dijanjikan jawatan Senator seterusnya duduk semula dalam Kabinet sekiranya PAS bersetuju untuk masuk Barisan Nasional
b. Beliaulah yang menjadi “contact point” utama antara UMNO dan PAS dan beliau bertanggungjawab.
c. Malahan, Mustafa Ali adalah orang yang memulakan usaha berjumpa dengan UMNO bagi membincangkan kerjasama UMNO-PAS dan kemasukan PAS ke BN.d. Segala temujanji dan perjumpaan termasuk perjumpaan di London adalah atas usaha Mustafa Alie.
Beliau sekarang ini mengasak Presiden parti, Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi bagi membolehkan Presiden parti menggerakkan PAS menyertai BN
f. Lihatlah betapa sukanya UMNO kepada Mustafa Ali sehingga UMNO sedia memberikan hak penerbitan Harakah dua kali seminggu hanya kerana Mustafa Ali dilihat sebagai “kawan” kepada UMNO
g. Hanya Mustafa Ali sahaja yang telah membawa Perhubungan Negeri pimpinan beliau berjumpa dengan Menteri Besar UMNO.
Sedangkan Menteri Besar UMNO di Terengganu lebih zalim kepada PAS berbanding dengan DAP dan PKR.
Jelas betapa rendahnya taraf Mustafa Ali sanggup menjual maruah beliau demi kepentingan politik pribadi beliau.
2. Ustaz Abdul Halim Abdul Rahman: Beliau juga sudah menghampiri zaman gelap beliau dan memerlukan satu kejutan usaha yang begitu kuat bagi menyelamatkan karier politik beliau.
a. Beliau sudah tidak ada apa2 lagi dalam PAS Kelantan dan dalam kerajaan Kelantan
b. Jawatan Ahli Parlimen ini hanya sekadar jawatan terakhir sebelum beliau bersara secara terus dari politik
c. Ini adalah peluang beliau untuk membuat “comeback” dlm politik kerana ada jawatan tertentu yang dijanjikan kepada beliau
3. Ustaz Harun Taib: Semenjak kekalahan beliau di dalam merebut jawatan Timbalan Presiden, beliau sudah semakin dilupakan.
Khabarnya, beliau dijanjikan jawatan exco sekiranya PAS masuk semula ke dalam BN. Oleh kerana itulah beliau adalah antara ang begitu kuat berusaha di dalam membawa PAS ke dalam Barisan Nasional.
a. Beliau berjaya mempengaruhi Dewan Ulama PAS Pusat bagi menyokong usaha kerjasama ini.
b. Beliau juga berjaya mempengaruhi Dewan Muslimat PAS Pusat melalui isteri beliau yang menjadi Ketua Dewan Muslimat Terengganu.
Manakala antara mereka yang terlibat kerana kepingin jawatan adalah:
1. Dato Dr. Hasan Ali: Beliau sememangnya terlampau kepingin jawatan Menteri Besar Selangor.
a. Malahan semenjak malam pengisytiharan keputusan PRU ke 11 lagi, beliau sudahpun menghubungi Khir Toyo bagi tujuan untuk membina sebuah kerajaan campuran PAS-UMNO di peringkat Selangor.
b. Malangnya, usaha beliau gagal kerana Tuan Guru Presiden tidak bersetuju sama sekali
c. Selepas usaha pertama gagal, beliau secara berterusan meracuni pemikiran Presiden dengan membawa khabar-khabar yang tidak benar berkenaan kerajaan negeri Selangor.
d. Beliau cuba memberi gambaran kepada Tuan Guru Presiden kononnya kerajaan Negeri Selangor sedang dalam usaha untuk mengkhianati Melayu dan Islam. Sedangkan cerita2 beliau tidak lebih dari penipuan dan separuh benar.
e. Dato’ Hasan Ali masih menaruh harapan untuk menjadi Menteri Besar dan beliau tidak kesah kalau kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat jatuh.f. Sedangkan kebanyakan polisi kerajaan Selangor ini adalah mirip kepada polisi kerajaan Kelantan dan polisi PAS.
g. Tuan Guru Presiden baru sahaja memberi temuramah dengan majalah Siasah yang mana Tuan Guru telah mengkritik kerajaan Selangor dengan begitu hebat berdasarkan maklumat salah yang diberikan oleh Dato Hasan Ali kepada beliau.
2. Ustaz Nasaruddin Mat Isa: Beliau semenjak dahulu senang diperngaruhi oleh Mustafa Ali.
Kali ini, bukan sahaja Mustafa Ali mempengaruhi beliau, tetapi beliau juga telah dijanjikan jawatan Timbalan Perdana Menteri ke Dua.
a. Beliau adalah antara yang terlibat berjumpa dengan Najib Tun Razak di London padahal beliau telah dinasihatkan jangan berbuat demikian.
b. Ustaz Nasaruddin juga dilihat sentiasa bersama-sama dengan Ahli Parlimen UMNO semasa di Parlimen berbanding menghabiskan masa beliau bersama MP PAS atau PR.
c. Sewaktu Anwar dituduh meliwat dan ditangkap pun beliau masih diliat begitu mesra bersama-sama MP UMNO/BN berbanding dengan MP PR.
d. Ustaz Nasaruddin seharusnya faham bahawa beliau sedang dipergunakan oleh Mustafa Ali yang mana Mustafa Ali tidak pernah menghormati beliau sebagai pemimpin.
THEREFORE SABAHAN, WHAT IS LEFT FOR US.
THEREFORE SABAHAN, WHAT IS LEFT FOR US.
ReplyDeleteMarch 17, 2009 10:06 AM
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SABAH AUTONOMY !
Why Malaysia is not like South Africa
ReplyDeleteOng Kian Ming
I’m writing this in response to a segment of a speech made by Dr Boo Cheng Hau, state assembly representative of Skudai, in the Johor state assembly last week where he alleged that certain lending practices made by Dana Johor smacked of apartheid practices because the non- bumiputera were charged a higher interest rate compared to the bumiputera.
While Boo makes many valid points on the question of fairness, his comparison between Malaysia’s regime and that of South Africa during apartheid is not only factually and historically wrong but more importantly, counterproductive to the interests of himself, his party and that of the coalition he belongs to, Pakatan Rakyat.
I want to state here that I do not disagree on the question of fairness on the part of Dana Johor in charging differential interest rates purely on the basis of race without any attempt to means-test. But my disagreement with Boo begins with the comparison between this specific practice and the policies practiced under the apartheid regime in South Africa.
Where do I begin? Boo is right to say that apartheid is not just the physical separation of the different races in South Africa but that it also involves the complete domination of one race over the other – economically, politically and socially. But it has to start with the aspect of physical separation.
Without this aspect, Boo falls into the danger of picking and choosing different characteristics of different countries to compare Malaysia unfavourably with on very weak theoretical grounds.
For example, I could also have said that the affirmative action policies introduced in India for the scheduled castes and tribes are similar to the affirmation action policies introduced in Malaysia for the economically disadvantaged Malays thereby justifying these policies using a more legitimate democratic example.
But neither comparison is accurate. In the first case, the regime in apartheid South Africa involved an economically and socially dominant minority ruling over an underclass majority while in Malaysia, one may argue that the situation just after independence described a historically disadvantaged majority ruling the country together with component parties representing all the other races in the state.
More importantly, there is no physical segregation of the races, at least not as a matter of government policy. In the second case, ethnic and caste identity in India is much more fluid compared to Malaysia.
Boo also erred in saying that apartheid was originally conceived as a system to help the poor whites. This may be true to the extent that apartheid gave more political power to the numerically superior but economically inferior white Boer population vis-à-vis the white Anglo population.
'A little knowledge is a dangerous thing'
But ask almost any South African political scientist and I am certain that he or she will say that this was a project that was conceived from the beginning with the main objective of institutionalising minority rule in South Africa.
Aren’t all these debates rather academic, one may ask? Perhaps. In the cut and thrust of politics, one may argue that one cannot afford to pay attention to these minor ‘details’ which are better left to political scientists to argue about. I would respond by saying that politicians who pick and choose their cases illustrate the point that ‘a little knowledge is a dangerous thing’.
In any case, even if one were to discard these ‘academic’ debates, Boo’s argument scores poorly from a political strategy standpoint. The strategy employed by Boo is not a new one. He is indirectly trying to undermine the moral authority and basis of the NEP as well as its implementation in Malaysia and in doing so, directly issues a critique against Umno.
This is a slightly different critique of the NEP than Anwar Ibrahim’s in that Anwar acknowledges the second point but not the first.
What did Boo hope to achieve with this comparison between Malaysia and apartheid South Africa? If his intention was to win over more non-Malay support, he would already be preaching to the converted. Most non-Malays including those in Skudai who voted for Boo would readily concede this point.
But this has not stopped them from voting for the BN in large numbers in the past. And this is probably not the reason why many non-Malays decided to vote for Boo in March 2008. If his intention was to gain recognition for himself within his own party, the DAP, then he probably scored some points for taking on the NEP and Umno. But at what price?
As a seasoned politician, Boo should know that the mainstream media would immediately latch on to this particular segment of his speech and play it up to the detriment of his party and of Pakatan, in the eyes of the Malay voter. Very, very few people will bother to read his speech in context. Most Malays who read the headlines in regard to this issue will immediately think that this is yet another example of the DAP showing itself to be anti-Malay.
Two Umno leaders from Johor, senior vice-president Muhyiddin Yassin and Menteri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman, immediately jumped on this comparison and rightly so from a political strategy standpoint.
Boo has to realise that in his capacity as opposition chief in the Johor state assembly, he is not just responsible for his own political career but that he is also responsible for spearheading the efforts of the opposition as a whole to make further headway in Johor, a state which the BN has been dominating electorally ever since the first post-independence elections.
That small segment of his speech, while not politically crippling Pakatan, has surely set back the image of Pakatan in the eyes of the Malays in Johor.
Doing Pakatan Rakyat no favours
As a non-Malay politician and leader in a largely non-Malay party and running in a non-Malay majority seat, it is not surprising if Boo feels that he needs to channel the feelings of hurt and unfairness that are felt by non-Malays. If this is the case, Boo would be not that different from politicians from the other side who feel that they have the responsibility and the need to ‘channel’ their anger towards certain leaders of the opposition who had the temerity to call them certain offensive names!
Of course, Boo’s platform is a much more civilised one – within the august halls of the state assembly in a speech rather than outside the august halls of parliament in a fashion more befitting of gangsters rather than politicians.
I do not pretend to have done this well but I can imagine myself in the position of a Malay professional or academic who, because of the NEP, was able to go abroad to study under a government scholarship and has managed to rise up the ranks of her profession by working hard. She would see the NEP has an instrument which has helped her to get to where she is today.
Perhaps she thinks that most non-Malays would have been able to go to university using their own funds, on the assumption that most non-Malays are more financially independent than the Malays. By equating the NEP with apartheid and by giving ammunition to the BN and to the mass media to use his speech to allude to this point, Boo is guilty of allowing his statement to be used to paint himself, his party and Pakatan in an anti-Malay light.
That person whom I mentioned above, would see the attack on the NEP as an attack on her own achievements and not as some statement made in the context of having a healthy discussion.
The political reality that Boo should realise is that if Pakatan wants to take on the NEP, it would be much more suitable for a Malay politician within Pakatan to take up this challenge. Even someone with the political stature of Anwar, who has taken this issue head on, has received significant criticism for it from Umno and other Malay groups.
What more someone like Boo who does not have the street credibility of someone like Lim Guan Eng who was jailed for defending the rights of a Malay rape victim? This does not mean that the important issues raised by Boo should not be debated. He just needs to frame the debate in a different manner. Here is how I would have framed it if I were in Boo’s position.
After almost 40 years of the NEP, a large and successful Malay middle class has emerged which is made up of professionals and entrepreneurs who are more than capable of standing up on their own two feet. I have seen and experienced this myself.
Throughout the course of my studies at two distinguished universities in the UK, through my first job as a management consultant in the KL office of a well-known US-based management consultancy, through my many interactions with Malay professionals and intellectuals in Malaysia, I can safely say that I have felt inadequate next to many of them.
These friends of mine do not need the NEP to win contracts or to build up their businesses. I think many of them would even feel embarrassed that people would think they got to where they are today because of preferential treatment.
Quite a number of them probably won’t mind seeing the NEP or its implementation changed significantly such that it is targeted towards the poor of all races and not just the Malays. Indeed, this is exactly what PAS spiritual leader and Kelantan Menteri Besar Nik Aziz Nik Mat said, when asked to comment on the statement by Boo.
By framing the debate in these terms, I do not think that Boo runs the danger of alienating larger numbers of Malay voters and at the same time, does not run the risk of giving ammunition for the BN, specifically Umno, to attack him, his party and the opposition coalition.
The larger point of my article is this – that it is counterproductive for DAP leaders like Boo to discuss the NEP by looking ‘back’ as it were. It would be much more productive for him to take the discussion forward by looking at contemporary times and perhaps even projecting into the future. This, would be much more helpful for the DAP as well as for Pakatan, moving forward.
"SIX MISTAKES BY SABAHANS"
ReplyDeleteThe First Biggest Mistake made by the Sabahan leaders was that they concurred with the crafty Malayan leader Tunku Abdul Rahman to form a nation called 'MALAYSIA' not knowing that the Malayan leader(s) under UMNO had a hidden agenda of colonising Sabah and Sarawak in a true sense of the word. We could have been happy in the safe hands of Great Britain until such a time when the Sabahans could take over the administration and rule on our own. Look at Brunei as a case in point. Like the 'fairy tale' the Bruneians could only whisper to your ears and say "we live happily ever after".
The Second Biggest Mistake was the Sabah and Sarawak leaders' inability to read between the lines when Singapore was ejected from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965. The ejection from the Federation means that the MALAYSIAN AGREEMENT signed by the four countries which formed the Federation namely, Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak is NO longer valid. Therefore, Sabah and Sarawak should have also made a declaration that they were longer parts of the Federation at the point of time Singapore came out. Sabah and Sarawak would have been independent countries today.
The Third Biggest Mistake was when we agreed to sign an agreement to give away 95% of one of our most valued natural resources - OIL - without any sense of personal reservation and pride. It is like giving away your only begotten son to a monster looming at your backyard to be sacrificed for nothing without even attempting to fight it off. This bad decision had caused Sabahans to be the poorest in a land of the most bountiful. This situation will go on in perpetuity without us seeing the light at the end of the tunnel, unless we put up a fight.
The Fourth Biggest Mistake was when the Sabah leaders allowed the rapist UMNO came and spread its wings to Sabah. Now Sabahans are being "raped" by the 'sex-maniac' UMNO again and again and again and again and again and again 24 hrs a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year without any sign of stopping. That explained the perennial problem of ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS in Sabah. UMNO have no intention, whatsoever, to solve this problem because they see them as the only way to help them to perpetuate the Ketuanan Melayu by turning these illegal people into their permanent voters in every subsequent General Election. For they are now the majority in Sabah. That explained the decision to go at length to distribute the Green Cards to them a few of days ago at the expense of the genuine Sabahans in the interior of Sabah many of whom still do not possess the Malaysian ICs.
The Fifth Biggest Mistake was when Sabah leaders and the Sabahans still clung to UMNO's Barisan Nasional in every General Election despite the non-stop "raping" taking place at every turn. Even in a situation where the Sabah and Sarawak have now become the LIFE GIVER of UMNO at the Federal level, UMNO are so blinded with 'lust' that Sabah and Sarawak are still treated as Illegitimate Children in favour of the severely election-battered MCA and MIC. With this very obvious lopsided policies of UMNO and rampant discrimination of KL towards Sabah one may be prompted to ask this question, "What came into the heads of PBS, UPKO, PBRS, LDP leaders?" Only SAPP had come to their senses and turned their back on UMNO's BN. Bravo to you SAPP leaders!!
The Sixth Biggest Mistake will be for Sabah leaders and Sabahans to allow once again our very own natural resources - GAS - to be channelled to Bintulu and once again start believing in the sweet talk of "Romeo UMNO" that a Petro-Chemical will be set up in Sabah and only excess Gas is channelled to Sarawak. Datuk Dr. Jeffrey is right that no one knows for sure of any of such "excess gas" at all given the fact that Petronas had never been transparent to the rakyat of Sabah in the more than 30 years of operation. So, Juliet, be wised up, Romeo's promises are only meant to be broken!!
Whether the above Mistakes are in fact mistakes or just mere Stupidity on our part I will leave it to my fellow Sabahans to make the judgement. And it is up to us whether we want a change or remain in the status quo. The American people, especially the white people, had recently made a decisive move for a CHANGE propagated by a minority black leader, Barack Obama. Could not we Malaysians in Sabah take a que from them? May God open our eyes wide!
No mistakes at all!
ReplyDeletemore to come...read this Sabahan do you believe it.
"No one can avoid the succeeding PM to be....as end the "RAHMAN" role for a list of Malaysia PM! Next come "MAHATHIR" the first with M, probably begin with Muyyiddin...and then A for Anwar continuing with Hishamuddin!!!"
Do you believe that is preditable? See the opinion of our Tok and Tun lately.
Six Mistakes by Sabahans ?
ReplyDeleteYou have to wait for 20 years to have an independent counry. If you want to rape back the UMNO as soon as possible,you have to support the govern to 'sabahlise' all the PI in Sabah.They will help you to form your country (Republic of North Borneo). your country will get 100% of the oil and gas.